According to accepted history, Adolf Hitler masterminded the Holocaust. This is just not true. Adolf Hitler was a frontman for the House of Rothschild. So too was his adversary Winston Churchill.
The historic irony is that when all the facts are known, it is more likely that Winston Churchill had more of a hand in masterminding the Holocaust than Hitler. This should sound outrageous… by design. A great deal of effort went into hiding the fact that World War II was a phony war engineered by the Global elitists, among them men like Churchill.
It was Winston Churchill who said:
"In war-time, truth is so precious that she should always be attended by a bodyguard of lies."
To a war planner like Churchill, war-time begins many years before the actual physical war occurs. It begins as a thought in the mind of a man. Then the thought is discreetly shared with like-minded men. From there it gains momentum and is committed to implementation. Then the plan is meticulously devised and worked out over years by skillful and experienced planners, detail by detail. At every step, the truth is carefully attended by a "bodyguard of lies".
It is well known among those who have seriously studied the subject of war, that wars, being very expensive, have had to been financed by a special group of bankers called "International bankers". The greatest among these bankers is the House of Rothschild, which has been quietly exerting its financial and political power over world events from well behind the scenes for over two hundred years. The influence and importance of this awesome multinational banking dynasty cannot be overstated. Up until 1914, even accepted history admits that it was easily the biggest bank in the world. However, after 1914, the fallacy of its dwindling influence and importance has been perpetuated to distance it from the carnage that was to occur in the world with the onset of the World Wars.
To begin to penetrate "the bodyguard of lies", surrounding the Rothschild-Churchill connection and their role as Holocaust planners, we must turn to Churchill's remarkable tie to the London branch of the House of Rothschild.
Of the two politicians of the post-Disraeli era to whom the Rothschilds were probably closest, one was a relative through marriage, Rosebery. The other was Randolph Churchill- the father of Winston Churchill. To say that Randolph had a close relationship to Nathaniel Rothschild, the head of the London house, is really somewhat of an understatement. So too would the word intimate. It was said that Randolph Churchill had an "excessive intimacy" with the Rothschilds, specifically with "Natty". Lady Salisbury, the wife of the Tory Prime Minister, Lord Robert Cecil , "launched out against Randolph who communicated everything to Natty Rothschild". According to the official Rothschild biographer, Niall Ferguson: "The evidence of an excessively close relationship seems compelling, especially in view of the precariousness of Churchill's personal finances. As is now well known- though his earlier biographers suppressed the fact- he died owing the London house "the astonishing sum of £66,902,"
It was observed that"[Randolph] Churchill and Natty Rothschild seem[ed] to conduct the business of the empire in great measure together..." Although Rothschild was a banker, it should be noted that for the first time, a Rothschild was engaged in politics as a vocation for its own sake...Nevertheless, he did spend most of the working day at his offices at New Court; and as a banker his primary concern was with foreign policy.
The motive of haute finance was gain; to attain it, it was necessary to keep in with the governments whose end was power and conquest. There was no government on earth that satisfied the Rothschilds appetite for gain more than Britain. As could be seen by the relationship between Randolph Churchill and Natty Rothschild, the interests of Britain and Rothschild were so intertwined that they could be considered inseparable. As Rothschildian foreign policy was interconnected with British foreign policy, both would rely on a strong Royal Navy.
Foreign policy and naval policy were most intimately connected. As one statesman of the times summed it up: "The smaller our naval power, the more difficult our foreign policy. If our naval power dropped to such a point that we were in an inferior position in home waters, our foreign policy would be impossible... We should have to give way on every diplomatic question, and no self-respecting Empire could hold together... the weaker our Navy is, the more difficult foreign policy becomes; the stronger our Navy is, the easier foreign policy becomes. That is really the intimate connection between the two.
No naval issue would affect Britain's foreign policy more than the crucial debate whether or not the Royal Navy Fleet should be converted from coal propulsion to oil. The outcome of this technical decision among British policy makers would have astonishing and far-reaching effects.
The advantages of oil were clear...The benefits would be faster speed and greater efficiency and maneuverability. The problem was that oil (at that time) didn't grow in Britain, and the majority of the admirals, therefore, felt more secure depending on native Welsh coal, and insisted on continuing to do so.
This reluctance was unacceptable to the House of Rothschild, and schemes were underway to surmount these feelings, as oil was already known to be the future energy of the world.
Oil was not only superior to coal, but the French branch of the Rothschilds were, together with the Rockefellers, supreme rulers of the oil business having entered into a world cartel with Standard Oil, now Exxon. Oil revenues would be an important source to the financial power base of these global elitists as they pursued their dreams of world conquest. Britain would be manipulated to give up its native fuel supply and rely on an energy source half way around the world. Squeamish admirals be damned!
The British people themselves would be another obstacle. They were reluctant to pay for any new military spending, wishing to keep the national budget focused on domestic issues. The idea of bringing the Royal Navy into the industrial age would have to take a back seat. It was a classic guns or butter debate. "Is Britain going to surrender her maritime supremacy to provide old-age pensions?" the Daily Express declaimed.
The people of Britain would have their modern navy and they would pay for it as well. Rothschild-manipulated international events would make sure of that.
Natty Rothschild was a keen proponent of increases in the strength of the Royal Navy. "The strengthening of the Navy is always popular amongst all classes," he assured his French relatives in 1908 - a year he spoke publicly in favor of building eight dreadnought battleships at a large meeting at the Guildhall.
There is no doubt that the Rothschilds had their own economic interests in the rearmament. In 1888 the London house issued shares worth £225,000 for the Naval Construction and Armaments Company. Natty had grasped early on the importance of increased naval construction. He remained an enthusiast for naval construction even when it was obvious that the costs were likely to lead to higher taxes. [If late-nineteenth-century imperialism had its "military-industrial complex" the Rothschilds were unquestionably part of it. ]
The modernization of the British Royal Navy would be accomplished by the classic problem-reaction-solution ploy. In classic balance of power style, Germany would commence a naval build up. The British people would think nothing of this, as peace existed between the two countries. The whole scene would change when a German warship threatened British interests. An international crisis naturally develops. The people are guided to think that there really is an international problem. To calm their fears they are sold on the idea of modernizing the Royal Navy rather than funding all sorts of domestic issues.
This is precisely what happened. The late nineteenth century saw the beginning of a German naval build-up. Then, on July 1,1911, in the middle of the guns and butter debate, Kaiser Wilhelm, a Rothschild frontman, sent a gunboat called the Panther steaming into the harbor at Agadir, on the Atlantic coast of Morocco. This was a direct challenge to British global positions. By sheer coincidence, immediately after the Agadir crisis, Rothschild protégé Winston Churchill was appointed First Lord of the Admiralty.
As First Lord of the Admiralty, Churchill vowed to do everything he could to prepare Britain militarily for the "inescapable day of reckoning". His charge was to ensure that the Royal Navy, the symbol and very embodiment of Britain's imperial power, was to meet the German "challenge" on the high seas. According to Daniel Yergin's Pulitzer prize winning book, The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money and Power: "One of the most important and contentious questions he faced was seemingly technical in nature, but would in fact have vast implications for the twentieth century. The issue was whether to convert the British Navy to oil for its power source, in place of coal, which was the traditional fuel. Many thought that such a conversion was pure folly, for it meant that the Navy could no longer rely on safe, secure Welsh coal, but rather would have to depend on distant and insecure oil supplies from Persia, as Iran was then known.
Churchill said, "To commit the Navy irrevocably to oil was indeed 'to take arms against a sea of troubles,' "
But the strategic benefits- greater speed and more efficient use of manpower-were so obvious to him that he did not dally. He decided that Britain would have to base its "naval supremacy upon oil" and, thereupon, committed himself, with all his driving energy and enthusiasm, to achieving that objective. There was no choice-in Churchill's words, "Mastery itself was the prize of the venture."
It was this very "sea of troubles" that would occupy Churchill throughout his long political career. Of course he was to have the support of the British government and the Rothschilds with their vast and furtive financial and political connections.
The "sea of troubles" that faced Churchill, was the seemingly impossible task of securing permanent and safe oil supplies. This "sea", like the world of oil itself, could be divided into three. The "upstream" comprises exploration and production. The "midstream" are the tankers and pipelines and transportation routes that carry crude oil to refineries. The "downstream" includes refining, marketing, and distribution.
The first task was to secure the "upstream". On June 17, 1914, Churchill introduced a bill proposing that the British government invest in an oil company. With a vote of 254 to 18, the British government acquired 51 per cent of Anglo-Persian. Anglo-Persian, however, was not to be Britain's sole supplier of oil as Churchill stated to Parliament in 1913,"On no one quality, on no one process, on no one country, on no one route and on no one field must we be dependent. Safety and certainty in oil lie in variety, and variety alone." By the summer of 1914, the British Navy was fully committed to oil and the British government had assumed the role of Anglo-Persian's majority stockholder. Oil, for the first time, but certainly not the last, had become an instrument of national policy, a strategic commodity second to none.
To meet the necessity of securing foreign sources of oil, puppet regimes would be established in countries like Persia, later to be named Iran. To meet Churchill's call for variety, the oil of Mesopotamia would be secured as well, although not as easily as Persia. To achieve this aim, the Ottoman Empire would first have to be dismantled. Before that could happen it would have to be conquered. This task would be accomplished by the keepers of the Concert of Europe-the House of Rothschild. The global elitist device that achieved this objective was World War I. During World War I, Churchill was in charge of the Dardanelle campaign aimed at taking Constantinople, the capital of the Ottoman Empire. For a variety of reasons, history views his campaign as a failure. In reality, however it was a crowning success for the war planners. For not only did the Dardanelle campaign spell the beginning for the end of the Ottoman empire, but the feigned bungling of the operation set in motion a series of orchestrated events that would empower the Turks to execute the Armenian genocide. Eliminating the Armenian presence in the Baku oil region eliminated the ethnic conflict between the region's Moslem majority which actually interrupted the oil production in 1905, when the oil fields were set ablaze.
With the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the huge oil fields of Mesopotamia came under British control. To the victor belong the spoils. Mesopotamia would be divided into a newly designed integrated region whose chief function would be a safe and secure energy supply system. This system would be comprised of new states, carefully designed in a balance of power fashion to insure steady flow of the precious oil beneath the ground. Designed by the global elite, these new states were named Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and Kuwait. Puppet-kings would be installed, and they would be manipulated by British agents such as T.E.Lawrence (Lawrence of Arabia), and St. John Philby.
With the "upstream" "troubles" managed and in place in the new Middle East, the "sea of troubles" surrounding the "midstream" would have to be addressed...
Although Winston Churchill had stressed to Parliament," on no one route...must we be dependent", it was obvious that the Suez Canal was clearly the only practical tanker route from the Middle East oil fields to Europe. Of course, there was the route around the cape of Africa, but that was a dismally long, arduous and expensive alternate route. Not to mention the fact that the longer the route, the greater the threat for potential attack during wartime. The short Suez Canal route would be much simpler and of course cheaper to protect. Securing the Suez Canal region from threat would be the next focus of the global elitists. Churchill would not take a back seat.
A quiet yet urgent concern with the Suez Canal region was the fact that the Suez Canal company was granted a concession scheduled to run out in 1968, at which time the 100 year-old lease would run out and the Canal 's ownership would revert back into Egyptian control. Egypt would have the power of life and death over Britain and the rest of Europe should that occur without security measures put into place to prevent that catastrophe. The Rothschilds had been quietly working on this particular dilemma since the canal was acquired by Britain (with their money).
Baron Edmond de Rothschild, the oil expert within the French branch of the Rothschilds had spearheaded the effort to establish a puppet colony friendly to Western European interests. It was intended to play a vital role in a security system for the soon-to-emerge Middle East slated to replace the failing Ottoman Empire. The Rothschild's progress would be careful, slow and calculated. Too slow, however, for the one person who would come to threaten the entire operation.
Theodor Hertzl forced his way onto the world stage. He was the Paris correspondent for the Vienna newspaper Neue Freie Presse. He covered the sensational Dreyfus affair, where a French Jew named Alfred Dreyfus was falsely accused of selling military secrets to the Germans. The furor of anti-Semitism that the case sparked compelled Hertzl to formulate a solution to the Jewish homeland problem. He reasoned that if the Jews could be reunited in a land that they could call their own, then they would not have to be subjected to the sort of treatment that they have been forced to endure throughout the ages.
Hertzl's famous political pamphlet, "The Jewish State", originally took the form of a letter directed to the Rothschilds. His intention was to appeal to the noble sensibilities of the most powerful family the Jewish people have ever produced during their Diaspora. Although Albert Rothschild of the Vienna branch refused to meet with Hertzl, he did gain audiences with Baron Edmond de Rothschild and Lord Natty of the Paris and London houses, respectively. As the impact of these meetings would have such a devastating impact on the destiny of the Jews of Europe, they will be presented in detail. In this manner, we may gain a more thorough understanding of the Hertzlian threat to Rothschild plans for a safe and secure Suez oil corridor.
On July 18,1896, Theodor Hertzl met with Baron Edmond de Rothschild. Hertzl assumed that Edmond would be most favorable to his plan as he was already financing a number of Jewish settlements in Ottoman-controlled Palestine. Hertzl was received, not in the Baron's home, but in his office on the rue Laffitte, where so many humble pleaders for Rothschild's benevolence had been received before.
As he was waiting in the anteroom, one of the Baron's aides assured Hertzl that Rothschild "is a human being like ourselves." The information did not amaze Hertzl, but the servility it reflected merely increased his annoyance. The Baron came in soon after. He impressed Hertzl as an "aging youth, his movements quick and yet shy...with a long nose and an ugly, large mouth. He wore a red necktie and a white waistcoat that flapped about his thin body." Two aides were present. It seemed to Hertzl that Rothschild wanted them there for his protection "in case I turned out to be an anarchist." Rothschild himself later admitted that he had asked his aides to stay as witnesses so that Hertzl would not be able to spread lies about their conversation.
"To what extent are you familiar with my plan?" Hertzl began. The Baron lost himself in a disjointed refutation of Hertzl's program which he knew only through hearsay. His two aides nodded emphatically at his every word.
After five minutes Hertzl interrupted Rothschild, who was not used to such bluntness. "You don't know what it is all about. Let me explain it to you first. A colony is a small state; a state is a big colony. You want a small state; I want to build a big colony."
Once more, as so many times in the past, he unfolded his plan for consolidating the Turkish national debt in return for a Jewish vassal state in Palestine. He told Rothschild he did not have to make up his mind immediately. He asked only for Rothschild's conditional agreement. Only in the case of success would Rothschild be asked to place himself at the head of the movement, at which time he, Hertzl, would voluntarily withdraw. If it proved impossible to conclude a transaction with the Turks, there would be no movement and no need for his leadership and support.
Rothschild listened attentively, at times with surprise. Occasionally Hertzl thought he even detected admiration in the Baron's eyes. But he was wrong. Rothschild quickly made clear that he wanted nothing to do with the project. His reasoning was simple; it echoed an astute world wise banker's practical concerns, not a naive politicians vision. "It would be impossible to control the influx of the masses into Palestine," he said. "The first to arrive would be a hundred fifty thousand schnorrers (beggars). They would have to be fed, presumably by me. I don't feel up to that-but perhaps you do!" he added sarcastically.
A battle of words ensued for about two hours. But Rothschild was not convinced of the feasibility of Hertzl's plan of action. Twice he repeated a proverb: Il ne faut pas avoir les yeux plus gros que le ventre (It does not do to have eyes bigger than one's stomach). When Rothschild said that there would be no curbing of the masses, one aide said darkly, "Yes, just what happened at Chodinko," referring to a plain outside Moscow where a frightened mass of Jewish refugees from a czarist pogrom had recently suffered great hardship.
If Rothschild considered Hertzl a megalomaniac, Hertzl for his part considered Rothschild a narrow-minded coward. Rothschild's efforts were of no use at all; in twelve years only a few hundred families had been resettled. But in Eastern Europe millions were waiting to be helped.
"You were the keystone of the entire combination," Hertzl said bitterly as he turned to leave. "If you refuse, everything I have fashioned so far will collapse. I shall then be obliged to do it in a different way. I shall start a mass agitation. "And," he threatened, "that way it will be even harder to keep the masses under control. I was going to turn the direction of the entire project over to you... You think it would be a disaster to operate with such great masses. Consider whether the misfortune would not be greater if your refusal forces me to set the masses in motion by uncontrollable agitation."
As necessity is the mother of invention, was it possible that these very words, uttered by Hertzl, gave birth to the necessity of the Holocaust in the mind of Baron Edmond de Rothschild on that innocent Paris summer day? Did the plan continue to unfold amidst the ensuing incessant correspondence that occurred between the Rothschild cousins on a daily basis?
Hertzl, for his part, had made a fatal assumption that the Baron was involved in colonizing Palestine for philanthropic reasons. Had he seen through this cover story, he would have realized, that by directly threatening to overrun the Jewish colony, he was threatening the security device for the world's emerging energy supply. The supply slated to fuel the impending New World Order. Hertzl had placed the Jewish masses in utter peril.
The Rothschilds would not have to wait long to determine if Hertzl would remain true to his threats...
Before he left Paris, Hertzl addressed a meeting of Jewish students. The hall was filled to overflowing with the sons and daughters of poor Jewish refugees who had escaped to France from persecution in Eastern Europe. Hertzl gave a rousing speech, urging them to organize their ranks, concluding with the words, Je ne vous dis pas encore, marchons-je dis seulement, la jeunesse, debout!" ( I am not as yet saying to you, Forward march- I say only, Youth, to your feet!)
By the turn of the century, Jewish immigration would be a matter of national concern in England, as masses of poor Eastern European Jewish refugees were choking London's East End. It was during this time, in 1900, that young Winston Churchill was elected to Parliament. Churchill would learn valuable lessons in dealing with Jewish immigration through sleight of hand politics from his Rothschild mentors.
On the one hand the Rothschilds understood the necessity of legislation to restrict the flow of their Eastern European co-religionists. As early as 1891,in response to a letter received by the anti-immigration campaigner Arnold White, Natty Rothschild wrote: "I share with you the opinion that an influx of persons of foreign birth, likely to become a public charge by reason of physical incapacity or mental disease, is most undesirable and should be discharged. I have no reason to believe that such persons come here in number sufficient to justify legislation." But the poor Eastern European Jews or Ostjuden kept coming.
The matter of Jewish immigration would be handled in a most subtle and delicate way. A stratagem was needed to pass the proper legislation while at the same time, protecting the Rothschild name.
In the 1900 election, Natty Rothschild's agent in the East End endorsed two candidates (Sir William Eden Evans-Gordon in Stepney and David Hope Kyd in Whitechapel) who proved to be proponents of immigration control. While Natty put on a show opposing "exclusion", these agents of his agent worked on getting the Aliens Act of 1905 passed despite Rothschild's feigned opposition. Churchill would follow the lead of his mentor in outwardly opposing the bill, as a member of Parliament he would vote against it. This classic lesson in political stratagem would be a valuable lesson to Churchill. It would have particular value when Churchill would later be confronted with the threat of the masses of Jewish immigration into Palestine.
The Aliens Act was the result of a delicate and hotly debated process. A Royal Inquiry Commission was set up to examine the issue. Theodor Hertzl addressed this commission on July 7, 1902. Two days prior, he met with Natty Rothschild, who had hoped to influence Hertzl's position. The meeting was described as follows:
"Rothschild received him in his office at New Court. He was a sturdy-looking man of sixty-two, of medium height, with a bald head and large warm eyes, and very hard of hearing. A man of fabulous wealth, even richer than his Paris cousin, whom he disliked, he was the first Jewish peer to enter the House of Lords without first converting to the Church of England. He and his father had helped Disraeli acquire the Suez Canal for England; he was a director of the Bank of England and played an important role in public life.
Rothschild began by telling Hertzl that he was an Englishman and planned to remain one. Zionism was wrong; the great powers would never permit the Zionists to have Palestine. He very much "wished" that Hertzl would tell the commission certain things and not tells the commission certain other things. Hertzl tried to break in, but the old man was so hard of hearing he did not notice. Hertzl lost his patience and began to shout so loudly that Rothschild, astounded, held his tongue. Nothing like this had happened in years.
Hertzl cried: "I shall tell the commission what I think is proper! That has always been my custom and I shall stick to it this time too. And it is not true that the powers are against our going to Palestine. I have made Germany and Russia favorably disposed toward our cause. England, I think, would have no objections. And I am persona grata with the Sultan."
"Certainly," said Lord Rothschild, "the Sultan treats you nicely because you are Dr. Hertzl of the Neue Freie Presse."
"That is not true!" Hertzl shouted. "The Neue Freie Presse does not enter into this at all! Its publishers are mortal enemies of my Jewish plan. They have not printed the word 'Zionism' in their newspaper to this day. I never spoke to the Sultan about the Neue Freie Presse."
The conversation continued for a while in this tone, leading the two men nowhere at all. Hertzl said that "charity has become a machine for suppressing cries of distress." Rothschild gasped. Then they went to an adjoining room for lunch, where they were joined by Rothschild's younger brothers, Alfred and Leopold. Leopold quarreled with Hertzl, but then invited him to his next garden party; Alfred was supercilious. Colonization was a fine thing, he said, but God Almighty, why in Palestine? "Palestine sounds too Jewish!"
After lunch the atmosphere improved somewhat. The old man was beginning to like his visitor.
"Would you like to hear my scheme now?" Hertzl asked.
"Yes," replied Rothschild. Hertzl moved his chair close to his better ear and cried, "I want to ask the British government for a colonization charter!"
"Don't say charter.' The word has a bad sound right now."
"Call it whatever you like. I want to found a Jewish colony in a British possession."
"Take Uganda," Rothschild lightly suggested.
"No, I can only use this…." He did not want the others to overhear him and so wrote on a slip of paper: "Sinai Peninsula, Egyptian Palestine, Cyprus." He added, aloud, "Are you for this?"
Rothschild thought it over for a while. Then, smiling, he said, "Very much so!"
Hertzl had sensed a victory for which he had been waiting seven years. His hopes would soon be dashed, two days after Hertzl's appearance before the Royal Inquiry Commission on Immigration. Rothschild made it quite clear to Hertzl, although he was warming to his plans, he favored only a small experiment, 25,000 settlers at the most. Echoing his Paris cousin, "there was no money for more."
"I must do it on a large scale or not at all," Hertzl said.
They argued the point for a while, and no agreement was reached. Rothschild did promise that he would speak to the Colonial Secretary regarding the matter.
Hertzl's appearance, earlier in the week, before the Royal Inquiry Commission, drew an unusually large crowd. Rothschild greeted Hertzl as an old friend and introduced him to the other commissioners. In his prepared statement Hertzl announced that the flight of Eastern European Jews to the West was the inevitable result of persecution; yet their course could be diverted, to a legally recognized national Jewish home, where Jews would no longer be regarded as aliens. He was subjected to a thorough cross-examination. Major Evans-Gordon [Rothschild's agent's agent], a Conservative member of Parliament, who favored restrictions, tried to draw Hertzl out to support his cause, but Hertzl did not yield. He was opposed to legal restrictions of any kind. At the same time, he urged, the problem must be assaulted at the roots by recognizing the Jews as a people like all others, with a right to call one corner of the globe their own. The Jews needed a country not charity. Hertzl's use of the English language was halting, but his seriousness impressed the commission. The publicity following his appearance enhanced the sympathetic mood toward the Zionist aspirations in England.
Public sympathy, however, would not help Hertzl's cause as long as the Rothschilds' opposed his idea of massive unrestricted Jewish immigration disregarding financial status, skill levels, or work capacity. Hertzl's notions did not reflect those of a seasoned and pragmatic colonizer. As far as the Rothschilds were concerned, restrictions had to be in place. Immigration would have to be limited to human material considered assets; those who were judged to be mentally, physically, and/or financially fit. On this subject there could be no compromise. There was too much at stake in the emerging Middle East. In the collective mind of the Rothschild cousins, Hertzl, together with his insane notions of colonization, had to be eliminated. His Zionist organization would eventually be infiltrated and commandeered by Rothschild agents. This would insure the safety of Rothschild plans for the fledgling colony designed to protect the oil interests in the Middle East.
By July 3, 1904, exactly two years later, Hertzl would be dead at the age of forty-four. Was this stroke of Rothschildian luck attained by Providence…or poison? Whatever the case, Hertzl's timely death allowed for the classic infiltration of his organization by agents friendly to the Rothschild agents.
At the time of Hertzl's death, Rothschild's protégé, Winston Churchill, was on a swift and deliberate career path preparing him for his role in the Rothschildian response to the prospect of massive unrestricted Jewish immigration into Palestine. By 1905, he became Undersecretary to the Colonial Office. The Colonial Secretary, Lord Elgin, had shown Churchill all documents and let him join all policy discussions. In 1906, while at the Colonial Office, Churchill was one of the first political figures to recognize the principle of a Jewish homeland. Indeed, at a time of division between Jewish groups on whether to settle in Palestine or East Africa, Churchill saw that "Jerusalem must be the ultimate goal. When it will be achieved it is vain to prophesy: but that it will some day be achieved is one of the few certainties of the future." That is what he wrote in 1908, to one of his Manchester constituents, but the phrase was deleted in the final draft of his letter.
On February 14, 1910, Churchill, the "young man in a hurry", was appointed home secretary. He was merely thirty-five. Among his responsibilities were national security, England's police force, law and order, and immigration.
In 1911, after the Agadir incident he would become First Lord of the Admiralty, where he would commit the Royal Navy to oil. Ten years later diplomats from Whitehall would quietly divide up the Middle East in a muffled version of their nineteenth-century scramble for African possessions. France would get Syria and Lebanon; Persia (Iran) would come under "British protection"; and Mesopotamia (Iraq) and Palestine came within Britain's sphere of influence, providing the Empire with a direct overland route between imperial troops in Egypt and the oil rich Persian Gulf region.
With the oil regions secured, the next task was insuring that it would remain that way. Under the guise of a Jewish homeland, the British would establish a military-oriented security state loyal to the West. This colony would be the keystone of the entire Middle East security system. The very survival of this colony, however, was potentially threatened by the uncontrolled influx of massive European Jewish immigration into the region. Such ethnic calamity would threaten the entire Middle East energy supply. Only by eliminating the reservoir of potential immigrants could the integrity of the colony be preserved. Once a pre-determined immigration quota was satisfied, strict laws would be put into place sealing any further admission into the small land. Once these laws were in place, a great operation would be put into motion to exterminate the remaining potential immigrants. This operation would be known as the Holocaust.
Late in 1920, Churchill told Lloyd George that he wanted to move to another cabinet post. On February 14, 1921, Churchill was appointed Colonial Secretary. When he took over the Colonial Office, the Balfour declaration was part of his legacy. The declaration, promulgated in 1917 when Arthur Balfour was foreign secretary, was actually formulated by the Rothschilds for the Rothschilds. The text was prepared by Leo Amery, assistant secretary to the War Cabinet. Amery worked under the Rothschild frontman, Lord Milner, who was a member of the inner War Cabinet. The declaration was addressed to Natty Rothschild's son, Walter. It proclaimed that the British government favored "the establishment of a national home for the Jewish people and will use their best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of that object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine."
Winston Churchill's commitment to the Rothschild-sponsored Jewish state in Palestine was "absolute". He understood the security role it would play in the emerging oil region. As Colonial secretary he was in a position to oversee the most important aspect to the project- immigration. The problem would be more complicated than controlling the pace and numbers of people entering the colony. Quality immigrants would be a crucial concern, hence strict discrimination, would be a guiding force in the immigration process.
On May 31, 1921, Churchill reported to the cabinet of Arab complaints and the "current accounts of the inferior quality of recent Jewish immigrants." More than anything else it was the "quality" issue surrounding Jewish immigration into Palestine that would determine the necessity of the Holocaust. Those concerned with the success of the colonization process could stem the tides, but they couldn't change the masses of negative human material confronting them.
Within the Jewish community, the two groups which gave the Rothschilds most concern, according to Ferguson, were nouveaux riches -Jewish bankers and businessmen who had made their fortune more recently than the Rothschilds-and, perhaps more important, Ostjuden: the much more numerous Jews of Eastern Europe (principally though not exclusively from the Russian empire), 2.5 million of whom migrated westwards after the pogroms sparked off by the assassination of Alexander II in 1881 and the new discriminatory laws introduced the following year. The new poor were at least as great a source of embarrassment as the nouveaux riches. Forwarding a letter on the subject of German anti-Semitism, Natty told Disraeli in 1880 regarding the causes of Jewish persecution:
"There are also a great many other reasons…among them the constant influx of Polish Russian and Roumanian Jews who arrive in a state of starvation and are socialists until they become rich."
According to this revealing statement we can see that poor Jews, rich Jews, and all the Jews in between were a source of concern to the Rothschilds. As socialism would be the tool by which the super rich would control the masses, Jews active in independent socialism, would be obstacles to this scheme. In short, the elimination of the European Jewish community was necessary for a variety of reasons.
During the debate of the Alien Act of 1905, Natty Rothschild argued that such legislation "would certainly affect deserving and hard-working men, whose impecunious position on their arrival would be no criterion of their incapacity to attain independence." His son Walter echoed this view." Great Britain," he argued, "should be the refuge for the oppressed and unjustly ill-treated people of other nations so long as they were decent and hard-working."
The Rothschilds could not lend their sympathy to those immigrants who were not "deserving, decent or hard-working". The undeserving, indecent, and lazy people would be obstacles to all future Rothschild schemes. Whether it was the establishment of a Jewish military colony in Palestine, or the United States of Europe, there was no room for masses of miserably poor, unproductive "useless eaters", with strange customs and behavior designed to separate, not assimilate. The elimination of the Jews of Europe was essential to the success of the New World Order. The Rothschildian operation known today as the Holocaust, would be carried out from the top down with utter stealth, employing all of the experience, agencies and connections at the disposal of the vast banking empire. Employing the talents and efforts of frontmen like Churchill, Hitler, Pacelli (Pius XII), Roosevelt and Stalin, these feigned axis-allied-neutral camps, would all be invisibly linked together by a super-secret Rothschildian supranational intelligence network. This network, the best kept secret of the twentieth century, virtually orchestrated World War II from start to finish. Not the least of the aims of this Jewish intelligence web was, ironically, the destruction of the European Jewish masses, thus insuring the success of the state of Israel and its role within the security system of the Middle East oil region.